Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
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Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCPolitical Science DepartmentKean Univesity nrichani@kean.eduWork in Progress39142Abstract:Conflict and post-conflict studies have paid inadequate attention to the political economy of crime after the termination of civil wars, and the challenges that this poses to reconstruction efforts. Save few ex Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCceptions, the literature has largely overlooked the rising socio-economic and political costs of organized criminal violence, and its negative effectsSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
on creating conditions for sustainable development.The main goal of this paper is to fill an important gap in the literature by undertaking a comparaSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCvador and Guatemala, there was an exponential increase in violence, while Lebanon witnessed a decline in crime compared to the level prior to the civil war. This research argues that post-conflict criminal violence in Guatemala and El Salvador is attributed to economic policies that weakened the sta Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCte’s coercive and distributive capacities, which in turn diminished the opportunity costs of crime. This condition was further aggravated by contingenSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
cies. Whereas, Lebanon’s economic policies and contingencies differed sharply from the other two cases under investigation, which may explain its low Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCtemala, the costs of criminal violence have already exceeded those of their respective civil war.Finally, this paper adopts a systemic approach to explain the endurance of crime over time with its proper dynamic and political economy. In this regard, one noticeable finding is: homicides rates are in Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCversely proportional to the institutionalization of the system of violence.1For the most part, researchers in post-conflict studies have focused on twSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
o important sets of issues. One set is primarily concerned with the conditions under which conflict may resume (Collier &Hoeffler, 2002, 2005: SambiniSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCars (Call 2000; Call and Stanley, 2001). Notwithstanding the important contributions of the mentioned literature, valuable questions remain unanswered regarding the causes and permanence of high crime in postconflict countries. Questions such as: whether crime is causally linked to the economic poli Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCcies adopted when civil wars terminate, or if crime is the continuation of the civil war by other means. High levels of post-conflict violence are undSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
ermining economic growth and threatening the consolidation of democratic processes, both of which are core contributors for successful reconstruction Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC war (See table 2). A broader question asks whether the spike in crime is attributed to similar factors that govern crime in societies that did not witness civil wars. This paper attempts to answer the first set of questions and provides insights that could help in answering the second.This paper un Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCdertakes a comparative analysis of criminal violence in three countries that have experienced civil wars: El Salvador, Guatemala, and Lebanon. FollowiSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
ng the termination of their civil wars, El Salvador and Guatemala have witnessed unprecedented levels of criminal violence, particularly homicides. InSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC6); however, in Lebanon the recorded rate2of post-civil war crime was as low as 2.2/100.000 in 2004, lower than the crime rate prior to its civil war(Lcbanon’s National Police. 2005). All three countries witnessed protracted civil wars lasting until the early to mid 1990s. Fl Salvador’s 12-year-long Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC civil war was brought to a peaceful settlement in 1992; by then. 75.000 deaths were attributed to the combat. The Guatemalan conflict continued lor 3Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
6 years and by the lime a peace accord was signed in 1996, roughly 200,000 Guatemalans had been killed. Lebanon’s 15-year civil war, which finally endSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOClion, less than half the population of El Salvador and less titan one-quarter the population of Guatemala.Why compare El Salvador. Guatemala and Lebanon?In this paper I follow the two main methods of comparative analysis: the “deep analogy” method as presented by Arend Lijphrat and Arthur Stinchcomb Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCe where the researcher chooses a few well matched cases; and the method of disagreement, where extreme cases are presented exhibiting analogous develoSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
pment. The latter method is advocated by Adam Przeworski and Henry leune. Each method is supported by John Stuart Mill’s insights on comparative reseaSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCep analogy” method due to similar historical experiences regarding state foilnations, level of economic development and the role violence sinc e the 19'1’ century. Yet they demonstrate variations in a dependent variable of post-conflict scenarios: crime rates? Three independent1 My choice of die met Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOChodolojiy was informed by die work of Fernando Lopez Alves, State Formation in Latin America 1810-1900 (Durham: Duke University Press. 2000), p.9.: RoSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
bert Holden, Armies without Nations: Public Violence and State Formation in Central America 1821-19G0 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 200G)3https://Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCrepresent the most different scenarios that allow for the application of the disagreement method. El Salvador represents what Fernando Lopez-Alves called a “nexus case”, falling between the extremes of Lebanon and Guatemala.3 The three countries, however, are classified by UNDP as middle income, and Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC they are ranked respectively according to the human development index: Lebanon 75: El Salvador 104: and Guatemala 120 (Human Development Report 2002)Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
.Understanding the dynamics of post-conflict violence and the factors that contribute to it is imperative in creating effective policies to reduce criSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCiods are attributed to the formation of a system of violence, which has its own dynamics and political economy. This system is formed when the following three variables intersect:a)Low state capacities, measured in terms of the state’s coercive and distributive functions. The coercive capacity is me Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCasured against the law enforcement ability of the state. The percentage of criminals who remain unpunished is a proxy indicator to measure the efficieSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
ncy of law enforcement. This indicator is complemented with an analysis of the justice system and police/inhabitant ratio. The distributive function oSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCities in these two areas are fundamental to effective governance.3Ibid.4b)Low opportunity costs of crime. Alternatives to crime are assessed by evaluating average income obtained from crime versus minimum salary, levels of unemployment, underemployment, and average education levels of the criminal p Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCopulation.c)Contingencies. Certain contingencies contribute to the formation of a system of violence, such as the repatriation of immigrants and narcoSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
trafficking in El Salvador and Guatemala. Alternatively. Lebanon experienced favorable post-civil war conditions that prevented the formation of a sysSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict SituationsNazih RichaniAssociate ProfessorDirector of Latin American Studies ProgramP Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCes and low opportunity costs of crime intersect with contingencies that stress the state, the most likely outcome is a system in which the main interacting units are the specialists of violence (states’ agents, organized crime, political entrepreneurs, and private security) interact, forming a dynam Systems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOCic relationship and a political economy that institutionalizes and perpetuates violence. Consequently, this paper defines the system of violence as aSystems of Violence and their Political Economy in Post-Conflict Situations.DOC
pattern of interaction sustained over time (say ten and more years)* and whose constituent units are: states’ agents, organized crime including gangs,Gọi ngay
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