PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
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PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
Spencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009cer and Elsa M. RedmondAmerican Museum of Natural History, New YorkABSTRACTRecent research in Oaxaca, Mexico has revealed that the early Monte Alb an state did not expand in a gradual, concentric fashion, but instead exhibited a non-uniform, mosaic pattern of territorial growth. Certain small region PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009s outside the Valley of Oaxaca proper appear to have been subjugated by Monte Alban before all areas within the Valley were incorporated into the earlPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
y state polity. In this paper we consider some of the strategies of resistance that were pursued by certain polities that managed to withstand, for a Spencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009cation, the construction of fortifications, greater nu-cleation of population, and the development of a more hierarchical political organization. We then suggest how such resistance by non-compliant, or rival, polities may have helped to shape the developmental trajectory of the Monte Alban state it PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009self.INTRODUCTIONOne of the first state-level polities to appear in Mesoamerica was the early Zapotec state, whose capital was the site of Monte AlbánPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
in the Oaxaca Valley (Blanton 1978; Marcus and Flannery 1996) (see Figures 1, 2). Although Monte Alban was founded as a regio-Social Evolution & HistSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009ly Monte Albán I (Early MA I) phase (500-300 B.C.), it is the Late Monte Albán I (Late MA I) phase (300-100 B.c.) for which we have the earliest convincing evidence of state organization, including a regional settlement hierarchy of four levels and the appearance of key institutional building types, PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009 such as the palace and multiroom temple (Kowalewski et ah 1989: 125-138; Marcus and Flannery 1996: 162-164; Spencer and Redmond 2001a). By the MontePreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
Ấlbán II (MA II) phase (100 B.c. - A.D. 200), Monte Albán was the capital of a fully-developed state (Flannery and Marcus 1983a, 1990).A number of schSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009 the many stone inscriptions at the capital that depict mutilated captives and subjugated territories, to the empirical record of conquest that archaeologists have recovered in places that were the targets of Monte Alban’s policies of militaristic expansion (Caso 1947; Marcus 1976; Marcus and Flanne PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009ry 1996; Balkansky 1997; Spencer and Redmond 1997, 2001b). At the same time, recent research suggests that the Monte Alban state did not expand its doPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
main in an incremental, concentric fashion, but instead exhibited a non-uniform, strikingly mosaic pattern of territorial growth. Certain small regionSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009s 1992a; Spencer 1982: 256; Spencer and Redmond 2001a, 2001b). In this paper we consider the strategies of resistance that were pursued by one of these polities, the one foqused on San Martin Tilcajete, which managed to withstand, for a considerable time, Monte Alban’s militaristic actions. Because PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009we agree with Brown (1996) that the concept of ‘resistance’ has been used too widely (and too loosely) in recent anthropology, we endeavor to show thaPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
t its applicability in the Oaxaca case is both appropriate and nontrivial. We conclude the paper by suggesting that such resistance had consequences tSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009, and Early State... 27also a dynamic force that helped shaped the developmental trajectory of the Monte Alban state itself.MONTE ALBÁN: A MILITARIZED POLITYFew contemporary Oaxaca scholars would deny that violence and warfare are major themes on the roughly 350 inscribed stones at Monte Albán that PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009date to Monte Albán I (MA I) and MA II. The famous danzantes inscriptions comprise approximately 310 of these stones. Flannery and Marcus (1983b) havePreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
argued that the danzantes stones were all originally set into the east face of Building L, an Early MA I construction on the southwest corner of MontSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009epted interpretation is that they represent slain and mutilated captives. Some four decades ago, Coe (1962: 95) argued that: ‘The distorted pose of the limbs, the open mouth and closed eyes indicate that these are corpses, undoubtedly chiefs or kings slain by the earliest rulers of Monte Albán’.Marc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009us has concurred with Coe’s interpretation, though she has suggested that not all the danzantes depict high-ranking people: ‘The majority of the danzaPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
ntes probably portray lesser villagemen taken in raids and skirmishes’ (Marcus 1976: 126-127). She has also drawn attention to the potential propagandSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009teworthy that the 310 or more danzantes which appear during Monte Albán I constitute 80 % of the total monument record from that site. In other words, it was during the initial occupation of Monte Albán that the effort devoted to carving monumental figures was the greatest. This early effort probabl PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009y coincides with the time when the rulers of Monte Albán would have felt the greatest need to legitimize their power and sanctify their position. PerhPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
aps by creating a large gallery of prisoners, they were able to convince both their enemies and their own population of their power, although it was nSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009is consistent with an emerging view of MA I political organization in the Oaxaca Valley that we have termed the ‘Rival Polity Model’ (Spencer and Redmond 2001a). According to this model, Monte Alban’s political domain throughout MA I included the Etla/Central subregion but not the Ocotlan/Zimatlan a PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009nd Tlacolula subregions (see also Feinman 1998: 128-129; Marcus and Flannery 1996: 163). The boundaries we have proposed for the three subregions arePreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
shown in Figure 3 (Early MA I sites) and also in Figure 4 (Late MA I sites). Archaeological settlement pattern data from the three major subregions weSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009nization, and indicated that it was not until MA II that all three subregions were unified under the control of Monte Albán (Spencer and Redmond 2001a). Excavation and survey at San Martin Tilcajete, the first-order center of the Ocotlan/Zimatlan subregion (Figure 2), has revealed that the inhabitan PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009ts defended themselves successfully against attacks throughout Early MA I and Late MA I, until they were finally vanquished at the beginning of MA IIPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
(Spencer and Redmond 2001a).Although the danzantes inscriptions of MA I are interpreted as depicting captives taken in ‘raids and skirmishes’, the ‘coSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009ding of territory (Marcus 1980). Marcus (1976: 128) notes that the roughly 40 conquest slabs were first identified by Alfonso Caso (1947), who pointed out that they typically include the following elements: (1) an upside-down human head; (2) above the upside-down head, a ‘hill’ sign that signifies ‘ PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009place’; (3) a glyph or combination of glyphs that probably represents the specific name of the place, usually situated above the ‘hill’ glyph; and (4)PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
sometimes an accompanying hieroglyphic text. Although Caso (1947) referred generally to ‘conquered places’, he did not attempt to identify any specifSpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 25Militarism, Resistance, andEarly State Development in Oaxaca,MexicoCharles s. spenc PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009 the conquest inscriptions might actually be referring. One of her proposed places is the Canada de Cuicatlan, a canyon traditionally inhabited bySpencer and Redmond / Militarism. Resistance, and Early State... 29Cuicatec-speakers, situated about 80 km north of Monte Albán (Figure 1). In making this PreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009 reading, she noted the close resemblance between the toponym on a particular inscribed conquest slab and the glyph that refers to Cuicallan as the ‘PPreventiveMaintenanceSewerOverflowResponsePlanTemplateNovember2009
lace of Song’ in the Codex Mendoza, a 16Ih-century Aztec document recording places that were paying tribute to the Aztec (Marcus 1980: 59; 1992b: 396-Gọi ngay
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