Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
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Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
l-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables h Shimronc’Department of Psychology, Florida Atlantic University, 777 Glades Road.P.O. Bas 3091. Boca Raton. FL 33431 0991, USA1Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge.. MA. Z.'X-f’School of Education, University of Haifa, Harla, IsraelReceived 14 Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables January 1999: accepted 13 April 1999AbstractAccording to The ’word rille’ account, regular inflection is computed by a default. symbolic process, wherDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
eas irregular inflection is achieved by associative memory. Conversely, pattern-associalor accounts attribute both regular and irregular inflection tol-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables kens tend to form tight, well-defined phonological clusters (e.g. siiiỊĩ-saiiỊĩ. ring-rangi. whereas regular forms are diffusely distributed throughout the phonological space. Ulis distributional asymmetry is necessary and sufficient for the acquisition of a regular default. Hebrew nominal inflectio Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables n challenges this account. We demonstrate that Hebrew speakers use The regular masculine inflection as a default despite the overlap in the distributiDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
on of regular and irregular Hebrew masculine nouns, specifically. Experiment 1 demonstrates that regular inflection is productively applied Io novel nl-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables similarity to stored irregular tokens. Experiment 2 establishes the generality of The regular default for novel words that are phonologically idiosyncratic. Experiment 3 demonstrates that Hebrew speakers assign the default regular inflection Io borrowings and names that are identical to existing irr Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables egular nouns. The existence of default inflection in Hebrew is incompatible with the distributional asymmetry hypothesis. Our findings also lend no suDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
pport for a type-frequency account, rhe convergence of the circumstances triggering default inflection in Hebrew. German and English suggests that thel-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables Corresponding author. Fax: +1-561-2972160E mail address'. iberent@fau edu (1. Berent)0010-0277 99 s - see front matter * 1999 Elsevier Science B V. All rights reservedPI1: S0010-0277(99100027-Xhttps://khothuvien.cori!2I Betent et al. /Cognition 72 (1999/1-441. IntroductionThe study of inflectional Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables morphology has been the subject of a fierce controversy between symbolic and associative theories of cognition. Common to both accounts is the proposaDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
l that irregular inflection (e.g. go-uenr. mouse-mice) is achieved by associative memory. The center of debate concerns regular inflection (e.g. like-l-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ns. Pattern-associator accounts (e.g. Rumelhart and McClelland. 1986: MacWhinney and Leinbach. 1991; Plunkett and Marchman. 1991; Daugherty and Seidenberg. 1992; Plunkett and Marchman. 1993; Hare and Elman. 1995: Hare et al., 1995). thus, attribute both regular and irregular inflection to an associa Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables tive process. The representation of regular words IS indistinguishable from irregular words. All words are represented solely by their phonological, sDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
emantic and orthographic features. Variables, such as noun or verb, are eliminated from mental representations. Regular inflection is thus largely expl-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables s regular inflection as a symbolic process. Symbolic processes operate over variables and are blind to the contents of specific tokens (Fodor and Pylyshyn, 1988). Consequently, regular inflection applies across the board, regardless of the target’s idiosyncratic features. In addition, regular inflec Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables tion serves as a default: it applies to any target that fails to activate stored associations by the ‘elsewhere condition’. An ‘elsewhere condition’ iDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
s the application of a general linguistic process upon the failure to trigger a more specific process (Kiparsky. 1973). The conditions for activating l-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ation of any canonical verb stem). A failure to activate irregular inflection thus triggers the regular default.There is substantial empirical support for the view of regular inflection as a default. For instance, regular inflection is assigned to borrowings, names and denominals, all failing to tri Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables gger stored associations due to their lack of a canonical root (Kim et al., 1991, 1994; Marcus et al.. 1995). Likewise, regular inflection applies toDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
non-words that are dissimilar to English verbs, hence, are unlikely to activate similar stored irregular tokens (Prasada and Pinker, 1993). In both cal-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ction to non-words that are dissimilar to existing regular verbs does not differ from non-words that are highly similar to familiar regular verbs (Prasada and Pinker, 1993). Conversely, regular inflection is observed for borrowings, names and denonnnals that are highlyWe use die term 'pattern associ Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ator' to refer to die class of cognitive models that eliminate mental variables. Our criticism of die ’pattern-associator- hypothesis should not be eqDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
uated with a criticism of connectionist formalism. As we next explain, connectionism is fully compatible with symbolic accounts of cognition. Likewisel-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables sis strictly concerns mental representations. not their implementations (for a similar distinction. see Pinker and Prince. 1988; .Marcus et al.. 1995; Marcus. 1998b. 1999).I. Bet ent el at. /Cognition 72 (1999) 1-113similar, or even identical to stored irregular words (Kim et al., 1991.1994: Marcus Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables et al.. 1995).Despite the strong empirical support for the existence of a default inflection, controversy still remains regarding its source. AccordinDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
g to the symbolic view, the wide variety of circumstances resulting in default inflection indicates that regular inflection operates over mental varial-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables like. explain. refrigerate. Variables define equivalence classes: they assign a uniform representation to all the tokens they enumerate, ignoring their individual idiosyncrasies. It is the uniform representation of all nouns (or verbs) by a single label that explains the generality of regular infle Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ction and its insensitivity to token-specific features. Likewise, it is the representation of the grammatical category of a ‘root' which explains theDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
blocking of irregular inflection for denominate, names and borrowings, despite their strong resemblance to stored irregular tokens. The appeal to varil-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables . The emergence of a regular default may be adequately explained by an associative process (e.g. Rumelhart and McClelland, 1986; Seidenberg. 1987. 1997; Seidenberg and McClelland, 1989; Elman. 1993; Hare and Elman. 1995; Elman et al., 1996; Plant et al., 1996; Rueckl et al.. 1997).The present resear Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ch examines whether default inflection appeals to mental variables. We first review two associative explanations for the emergence of default inflectiDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
on. We then present a new challenge to the associative account: Hebrew nominal inflection. We describe the distributional properties of Hebrew nouns al-l-SI.VII.RCOGNITIONCognition 72 (1999) 1-44Default nominal inflection in Hebrew: evidence for mental variablesIris Berent4*, Steven Pinker1’. Joseph Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables f default inflectionAssociative theories of cognition have proposed two accounts for the emergence of default inflection: the type frequency and the distributional asymmetry hypotheses. According to the type-frequency account (e.g. Rumelhart and McClelland. 1986; Plunkett and Marchman, 1991; Daugher Default nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables ty and Seidenberg, 1992; Plunkett and Marchman. 1993; Bybee. 1995), the role of regular inflection as a default is due to the ubiquity of regular typeDefault nominal inflection in hebrew evidence for mental variables
s in the language. In modern English, for example, regular inflection applies to the majority of verbs in the language. Thus, the probability that a nGọi ngay
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